By Laura Sjoberg, Caron E. Gentry
Beyond moms, Monsters, Whores takes the recommendation in Mothers, Monsters, Whores that you will need to see genderings in characterizations of violent ladies, and to exploit critique of these genderings to retheorize person violence in worldwide politics. It starts off via demonstrating the interdependence of the non-public and foreign degrees of worldwide politics in violent women's lives, yet then indicates that this interdependence is inaccurately depicted in gender-subordinating narratives of women's violence. Such narratives, the authors argue, will not be in simple terms normatively troublesome at the floor but in addition intersect with different identifiers, akin to race, faith, and geopolitical situation.
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Additional resources for Beyond Mothers, Monsters, Whores: Thinking about Women's Violence in Global Politics
Hirschmann’s view, however, does not erase the individual as either subject or actor. Instead, Hirschmann (1989) critiques understandings that all choices are made and that all responsibilities are assumed freely, but maintains a notion of individual identity and (constrained) 46 | two choice (see also Sylvester 1990). Hirschmann (2004: 204) suggests that obligation, responsibility and choice are intersubjective, interactive and responsive. Christine Sylvester (1990) initially applied this approach to auto nomy and obligation to understanding gender in/of global politics, arguing that the approach ‘preserves identity independence for oneself while recognizing the interdependence of self and other and the political and social relationships one has with others’ (Sylvester 2002: 119).
This book attempts to understand women’s capacity to engage in violence, to point out places where other analyses refuse to acknowledge this capacity, and to explore the implications of gendered narratives about women’s violence for the study of gender, violence and global politics. The narratives of mother, monster and whore reveal the gendering of dominant understandings of women’s violence in global politics across space and culture, and we provide an experiential framework for theorizing people’s violence in global politics, with a gender-cognizant discourse of motivation and action.
Adding women to theories of individual (men’s) violence shows not only that these theories omitted women, but also that their genderings made them inadequate to explain both men’s violence and women’s violence. Below, we briefly discuss rational choice theory, radicalization theory, evolutionary theory, psychoanalytic theory, social learning theory and narcissism theory as a sampling of theories of people’s violence in global politics. 4 Further, these summaries are not intended to be comprehensive;5 rather, they intend to serve as a preliminary introduction to the genderings of the theories specifically and their field generally, which suggest the need for feminist critique and reformulation of understandings of people’s violence in global politics.